Een Socio-Politieke Analyse van de Umbrella Movement
De Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong was een kind van zijn tijd
Harcourt Road, een drukke verkeersader in het hartje van Hong Kong, najaar 2014. Een woedende menigte rent de baan op en legt het verkeer lam. Aan de overkant zet de politie haastig een barricade op om de betogers weg te houden van het parlementsgebouw. “Maak de weg vrij!”, schreeuwt de massa. De barricades dreigen het te begeven. De voorste rij betogers krijgt een lading pepper spray in het gezicht. De paraplu’s, die eerder nog een koele schaduw boden, worden opnieuw bovengehaald. Nu de betogers zich kunnen schermen tegen de pepperspray, zullen de barricades het niet lang volhouden. Een paniekerige commandant laat traangas afvuren. Tussen de wolken traangas wandelt een gemaskerde jongeman, de armen in de lucht, een paraplu in elke hand. Een beweging is geboren.
Die dag, 28 september, zag ik een jong meisje dat een kartonnen bord in de lucht hield. Haar boodschap: “If not now, when? If not us, who?” De uitspraak was kenmerkend voor de zogenaamde Umbrella Movement. In de maanden die volgden op de protesten, ging ik op zoek naar een verklaring voor het unieke karakter van de beweging. Van de vreedzaamheid tot de vluchtigheid, van de samenstelling tot de gevolgen.
If not now, when?
De autonome regio, in 1997 door de Britten afgestaan aan China, flirt met democratische hervormingen sinds 1995. Elk verkiezingsjaar is opnieuw een aanleiding tot diplomatisch gekibbel tussen pro-democraten en de Chinese Communistische Partij. Stapvoets komen democratische verkiezingen dichterbij, maar vele Hongkongers vrezen dat het proces zal voortduren tot 2047, en dan is het te laat. Volgens het verdrag dat Thatcher en Deng Xiaoping sloten, verliest Hong Kong in 2047 haar speciale status, een doomsday voor de trotse bevolking van Hong Kong.
Hoog tijd voor ingrijpende veranderingen dus, moeten de Hongkongers gedacht hebben. Maar ook de verkiezingen van 2017 worden hen niet gegund. Beijing besloot dat democratie slechts inhoudt dat iedere burger naar de stembus mag. Beslissen wie zich kandidaat mag stellen ter verkiezing, dat wou men liever niet uit handen geven. Een comité van 1,200 leden, veelal schoothonden van de Partij, zal mogen selecteren welke drie kandidaten naar de verkiezing mogen trekken. Deze beslissing, afgekondigd op 31 augustus 2014, was de directe aanleiding tot de protesten.
Zo belandden de tienduizenden betogers dus op Harcourt Road. Als uit één keel klonk ‘s avonds het “Do You Hear The People Sing” uit de musical Les Misérables. Die saamhorigheid verdween echter al na een paar dagen. Het bleek moeilijk om een idealistiche democratische maatschappij na te streven, en terwijl de ontelbare activisten te overtuigen zich te laten vertegenwoordigen door enkele onverkozen leiders. Een breed maatschappelijk kader, een functie die in België vaak door de vakbonden gedragen wordt, ontbrak in Hong Kong. Dit is het rechtstreeks gevolg van een trend die zich in de jaren ‘90 voordeed. De beperkte democratie die in die jaren werd ingevoerd, zoog de sociale bewegingen leeg. Vakbondsleiders en activisten werden politici, en het maatschappelijk middenveld verdorde. Toen die politici onbekwaam bleken tijdens de Aziatische financiële crisis en de SARS-epidemie, verloor de nieuwe generatie burgers het vertrouwen in de politiek.
Een mijlpaal was 2003, toen de regering een controversiële veiligheidswet wilde invoeren. Burgers, onthutst over het wetsvoorstel maar zonder sociale organisatie, trokken de straat op. 500 000 individuele stemmen brachten de regering op de knieën, en de wet werd geschrapt. Sindsdien bleef het moeilijk om burgers te organiseren. Het wantrouwen jegens leiderschap bleef steken, en activisme gebeurde enkel op kleine, soms individuele schaal.
Het duurde dus niet lang vooraleer het individualisme de kop opstak, en de “leiders” van de Umbrella Movement het gezag verloren. Zelfs de internationaal geprezen Joshua Wong hield slechts de schijn van leiderschap. Hij was slim genoeg om enkel datgene te verkondigen waar de meerderheid het sowieso mee eens zou zijn.
If not us, who?
Zoals de V.S. de “American Dream” heeft, zo heeft Hong Kong haar “Lion Rock Spirit’. Genoemd naar een rots die boven de stad uittorent, belichaamt deze “geest” al het goede van de ongebreidelde markt. Lichtend voorbeeld is “Superman” Li Ka-shing, op één na rijkste man in Azië, die zijn rijkdom vergaarde door hard werk, ondanks zijn arme komaf.
Hong Kong is echter veranderd sinds de economische bloei van het vorige millennium. Geen enkel land binnen de ontwikkelde wereld kent een even grote economische ongelijkheid als Hong Kong. Hoewel meningen verschillen over de functie van ongelijkheid als motivatie of als beperking, bestaat voldoende bewijs dat in Hong Kong de lagere klassen amper in de rangen kunnen opklimmen. Succesverhalen zoals van Li Ka-shing zijn schaars geworden.
Het hardst getroffen zijn de sectoren die niet kunnen profiteren van de economische macht van China. Werknemers in de lokale publieke sector bijvoorbeeld. Het is dan ook in deze bevolkingsgroep dat onvrede met het bestuur het sterkst aanwezig is. Tijdens de Umbrella Movement vormden advocaten en academici de meerderheid van de oudere bevolking.
Een laatste bepalende factor is de unieke identiteit van de Hongkongers. Zij worden geconfronteerd met China, een land waar patriottisme met de paplepel ingegeven wordt, maar patriottisme is hen compleet vreemd. De Britten hebben nooit veel moeite gedaan het hen te leren. Ze waren er immers maar tijdelijk, en stel dat de Hongkongers allemaal een Brits paspoort zouden eisen… Maar sinds het sluiten van de grens met China in de jaren ‘50, en de daaropvolgende gruwel van Mao waar de meeste Hongkongers voor gevlucht waren, konden ze zich ook maar moeilijk identificeren met Communistisch China. De jongere generatie Hongkongers werd opgevoed met een nieuw soort identiteit: de marktidentiteit. Waar andere landen de vaderlandse trots kennen, zijn Hongkongers trots op hun liberale waarden, en opportunistische vrijheden.
De Umbrella Movement is dan wel uiteengevallen, uiteengedreven door individualisme en een gebrek aan sociale cohesie. De onvrede met kansarmoede voor de publieke sector en lagere klassen, en het contrast tussen het Chinese patriottisme en het liberalisme in Hong Kong, zullen voor een interessante politieke en diplomatieke discussie zorgen in de komende 30 jaar.
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Bibliografie Sam Bekemans
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