Normative, Strategic, or Hybrid Power Europe? A case study of the European Ukraine policy in the wake of the Maidan Revolution (November 2013 – July 2015)

Matthias Waegemans
De begrafenis van EuropaDe Europese Unie (EU) steunt Oekraïne onvoldoende en begraaft daarmee de idealen van het Europese project. Dat is althans het besluit van een onderzoek dat gevoerd werd door Matthias Waegemans, student Politieke Wetenschappen aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel. Oekraïne heeft de wereld duidelijk gemaakt dat het wil scheiden van zijn Sovjetverleden en zich wil aansluiten bij het Westen. U herinnert zich ongetwijfeld nog de beelden. Op 21 november 2013 trokken Oekraïense burgers naar het Onafhankelijkheidsplein in Kiev. Het plein werd overspoeld met Europese vlaggen.

Normative, Strategic, or Hybrid Power Europe? A case study of the European Ukraine policy in the wake of the Maidan Revolution (November 2013 – July 2015)

De begrafenis van Europa

De Europese Unie (EU) steunt Oekraïne onvoldoende en begraaft daarmee de idealen van het Europese project. Dat is althans het besluit van een onderzoek dat gevoerd werd door Matthias Waegemans, student Politieke Wetenschappen aan de Vrije Universiteit Brussel.

Oekraïne heeft de wereld duidelijk gemaakt dat het wil scheiden van zijn Sovjetverleden en zich wil aansluiten bij het Westen. U herinnert zich ongetwijfeld nog de beelden. Op 21 november 2013 trokken Oekraïense burgers naar het Onafhankelijkheidsplein in Kiev. Het plein werd overspoeld met Europese vlaggen. Door de luidsprekers galmde het Europese volkslied. Eerder die dag had Oekraïens president Viktor Janoekovitsj besloten om geen associatieverdrag met Europa te tekenen. De boodschap van de Oekraïense burgers was duidelijk. Ze zagen hun toekomst in Brussel en niet in Moskou. Het protest bleef groeien. Janoekovitsj doet pogingen om de betogingen in te perken, maar dat mislukt. In januari 2014 vielen de eerste doden. Oekraïense burgers hadden letterlijk hun leven gegeven voor Europa.

Volgens de auteur heeft Europa een morele plicht om Oekraïne te steunen. In de eerste plaats op militair gebied, zodat het land zijn territoriale integriteit in Oost-Oekraïne kan vrijwaren ten opzichte van het veel machtigere Rusland. Maar Kiev heeft ook financiële steun nodig, aangezien het land in een financiële crisis verkeerd én omdat de Oekraïense economie grondig hervormt zal moeten worden. Dit is zeker geen evidentie, aangezien corruptie zeer diepe wortels heeft in de Oekraïense samenleving. Waegemans besluit dat het ontbreken van dergelijke steun de dood van het Europa kan betekenen.

 In de Europese veiligheidsstrategie van 2003 lezen we dat de EU de ambitie heeft om “een ontzagwekkende kracht ten goede in de wereld vormen”. Volgens de masterproef van Waegemans is het zelfs zo dat de EU zichzelf steeds meer percipieert, presenteert en trots is op het feit dat het een “normatieve” macht is in de wereldpolitiek. José Manuel Barroso, toenmalig voorzitter van de Europese Commissie, stelde het in 2007 als volgt: “we [the EU] are one of the most important, if not the most important, normative power in the world”.

Maar is de EU echt zoveel beter dan andere grootmachten? Is Brussel ethischer dan de Washington, Moscow of Peking? Dat valt sterk te betwijfelen. Toch leeft er al lang een idee dat de EU een unieke pion is op het schaakbord van de wereldpolitiek. Na de horror van de Tweede Wereldoorlog heeft de EU zich omgevormd tot een civiele macht die zich niet langer bezig houd met militair machtsvertoon, zo stelde François Dûchene, één van de belangrijkste adviseurs van Jean Monnet.

Sommige auteurs gingen zelfs nog een stap verder. In 2002 publiceerde de Deense politicoloog Ian Manners een controversiële tekst waarin hij stelde dat de EU een normatieve macht is. Volgens Manners is de macht van de EU niet kwantificeerbaar in een bepaalde hoeveelheid wapens of geld, maar wel in ideeën. De EU is in staat om de ideeën die er heersen over hoe internationale betrekkingen gevoerd moeten worden te veranderen, aldus de Deense professor. De EU zou er bijvoorbeeld voor hebben gezorgd dat er steeds minder landen de doodstraf uitvoeren.

Heeft professor Manners gelijk, of is hij simpelweg Eurofiel? Zijn de Europese leiders echt begaan met het algemeen belang van de wereldbevolking of zijn zij gevangen in een kooi van Machiaveliaanse machtspolitiek? In zijn masterproef tracht Waegemans op deze vragen een antwoord te bieden doormiddel van een gevalstudie. Concreet onderzoekt de auteur of de EU zich heeft gedragen als een “normatieve” macht ten opzichte van Oekraïne in de nasleep van Euromaidan. Waegemans komt tot de strenge, maar overtuigende conclusie dat het Europees Oekraïnebeleid niet de intentie had om de Westerse toenadering van Kiev grondig te ondersteunen.

Het volledige onderzoek en bijkomende details kunnen nagelezen worden in de masterproef “Normative, Strategic, or Hybrid Power Europe? A case study of the European Ukraine policy in the wake of the Maidan Revolution (November 2013 – July 2015)”.

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Universiteit of Hogeschool
Master Politieke Wetenchappen
Publicatiejaar
2015
Kernwoorden
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