'Which is to be master?' Definities van 'trafficking' in de strijd om woorden en betekenis

Seppe Segers
Over ‘trafficking’ gesprokenOranje en wit: kleurlinten op een graf dat ‘Middellandse Zee’ heet. De witte overalls van reddingswerkers steken af tegen de oranje reddingsvesten van de opvarenden van overvolle vissersbootjes. De bikkelharde realiteit van de mondiale vluchtelingencrisis komt via sprekende beelden, maar met stamelende woorden tot ons. Seppe Segers beschrijft hoe achter deze woorden een politieke strijd schuilgaat die ver afstaat van het lijden van de betrokken vluchtelingen.

'Which is to be master?' Definities van 'trafficking' in de strijd om woorden en betekenis

Over ‘trafficking’ gesproken

Oranje en wit: kleurlinten op een graf dat ‘Middellandse Zee’ heet. De witte overalls van reddingswerkers steken af tegen de oranje reddingsvesten van de opvarenden van overvolle vissersbootjes. De bikkelharde realiteit van de mondiale vluchtelingencrisis komt via sprekende beelden, maar met stamelende woorden tot ons. Seppe Segers beschrijft hoe achter deze woorden een politieke strijd schuilgaat die ver afstaat van het lijden van de betrokken vluchtelingen. In tegenstelling tot wat we zouden vermoeden, hangt deze strijd samen met hoe we seksualiteit beleven.

We zijn allen producenten en consumenten van betekenis. De woorden die we daarvoor gebruiken, dienen om de werkelijkheid begrijpelijk en leefbaar te maken. Dikwijls verliezen we daarbij uit het oog dat hiermee welbepaalde belangen verbonden zijn, waardoor die leefbaarheid vaak ontzegd wordt aan anderen. Ons spreken over de vluchtelingenstromen die de voorbije jaren steeds duidelijker hun stempel drukten op de mondiale werkelijkheid is daarvan een voorbeeld bij uitstek. Immers, wat maakt een ‘migrant’ en wanneer spreken we over een ‘vluchteling’? En wat onderscheidt ‘mensenhandel’ van ‘mensensmokkel’? Deze schijnbaar overbodige vragen herbergen een hevige strijd die niet alleen de handelingsmogelijkheden van de betrokken personen bepaalt, maar ook raakt aan onze alledaagse realiteit. Als taalgebruikers nemen we dus deel aan een betekenisstrijd waardoor toekomstige daden beslecht worden – niet alleen voor onszelf, maar ook voor migranten, zij die peddelen om te overleven en degenen die prikkeldraad trotseren in Calais. In zijn masterscriptie ging Segers daarom op zoek naar een taal-filosofische methode die toelaat om de belangengebondenheid van ons spreken bloot te leggen en te tonen hoe dit zich manifesteert wanneer dergelijke mondiale problemen worden besproken. Zo tracht hij te argumenteren hoe een groot deel van het debat over mensensmokkel en mensenhandel teruggaat op onenigheden over sekswerk en seksualiteit.

Witte slavernij

Het is namelijk frappant dat ‘migrant’ en ‘vluchteling’ vaak als synoniem gebruikt worden in de mediaberichtgeving over de humanitaire rampen in de Middellandse Zee of over de vluchtelingencrisis rond de Kanaaltunnel. Hetzelfde geldt voor de termen ‘mensensmokkelaars’ en ‘mensenhandelaars’. Zo wordt uit het oog verloren dat het hedendaagse zwaartepunt van deze concepten wortels heeft in een eeuwenoud prostitutiedebat. Vooral in Angelsaksische nieuwsberichtgeving over de huidige vluchtelingenproblematiek wordt vaak gesproken over ‘trafficking’, hetgeen verwijst naar ‘mensenhandel’. De discussie over wat ‘trafficking’ precies is, kent een lange geschiedenis, die tot volle uitbarsting kwam tegen het eind van de 19e eeuw. Het ging toen om de zogenaamde witte slavernij waarbij jonge vrouwen werden voorgelogen over de aard van het werk waarvoor ze gerekruteerd werden en onder ‘semi-slavernij’ werden tewerkgesteld in bordelen in Westerse kolonies. De verschillende internationale en nationale akkoorden die hierover werden gesloten, kenden een graduele verschuiving van ‘witte slavernij’ naar ‘trafficking’, maar met een blijvende focus op prostitutie. Het orgelpunt hiervan was het zogenaamde Palermoprotocol (2000), een besluit van de Verenigde Naties, waarin ‘trafficking’ als misdaad werd gedefinieerd, als onderscheiden van ‘mensensmokkel’ – een vaak artificieel onderscheid dat ook in de publieke opinie door elkaar wordt gehaald. Het Palermoprotocol was echter vooral een instrument om zowel politieke als seksuele grenzen te bewaken.

‘Hoeren en andere feministen’

Zowel het debat over de witte slavernij als de aanloop naar het Palermoprotocol was namelijk gekenmerkt door hevige onenigheid over de omvang van het probleem evenals over de aard ervan. De discussie gaat fundamenteel over de morele betekenis van prostitutie. Enerzijds zien de zogenaamde abolitionisten elke vorm van prostitutie als uitbuiting en willen in lijn daarmee de publieke opinie mobiliseren. Zij beschouwen ‘trafficking’ als globale prostitutie, en prostitutie als lokale ‘trafficking’. Daartegenover bestempelen zogenaamde pro-sekswerkfeministen sekswerk als legitieme tewerkstelling (getuige de titel van een bekend boek door Jill Nagle ‘Whores and Other Feminists’) zolang het gaat om een vrijwillige keuze. Zij onderscheiden trafficking onder dwang duidelijk van vrijwillig sekswerk. De uiteindelijke definitie van ‘trafficking’ weerspiegelt deze tweedracht: er wordt enerzijds gefocust op uitbuiting als doel van traffickingpraktijken, maar anderzijds wordt er gewezen op hoe de rekrutering verloopt onder dwang. Door de pro-sekswerkfeministen wordt het protocol weliswaar beschouwd als een overwinning voor zij die prostitutie willen uitbannen, omdat het protocol blijft focussen op prostitutie, in het bijzonder van vrouwen en kinderen. Daarin ligt onder andere ook één van de verschillen met ‘mensensmokkel’.

Anti-trafficking, anti-prostitutie, anti-migratie?

Het voornaamste onderscheid tussen mensensmokkel en ‘trafficking’ wordt geacht te liggen in de aanname dat mensensmokkel zou eindigen wanneer de persoon (op een illegale manier) de grens van zijn bestemming heeft kunnen oversteken, terwijl ‘trafficking’ zou gaan om een voortdurend netwerk van uitbuiting onder gedwongen rekrutering. Talig, juridisch en empirisch onderzoek heeft uitgewezen dat dit onderscheid echter overtrokken is en dat beide fenomenen vaak hand in hand gaan. Waarin echter wel een duidelijk – en niet toevallig – verschil ligt, is in het genderonderscheid dat gemaakt wordt tussen de twee concepten. Waar het ‘smokkelprotocol’ mannen beschouwt als actieve migranten die niettemin in de handen vallen van kwaadwilligen, focust het traffickingprotocol op prostitutie van vrouwen en kinderen als passieve slachtoffers. In combinatie met de klemtoon op prostitutie wordt het traffickingprotocol daarom beschouwd als een anti-prostitutiemaatregel die door abolitionistische staten kan worden aangegrepen om prostitutie te criminaliseren. Praktijken in onder andere Madrid, Bangladesh en de Verenigde Staten illustreren hoe prostituees geïntimideerd worden door politiemachten in het licht van pogingen om sekstrafficking te bestrijden. Vooral migranten die seks verkopen worden geviseerd. Het protocol wordt daarom ook beschreven als een anti-migratiemaatregel bedoeld om vrouwelijke sekswerkers uit derdewereldlanden buiten de grenzen te houden. 

Oranje en wit is het nieuwe zwart

‘Trafficking’ – of mensenhandel – gelijkschakelen met ‘migratie’ leidde zo tot naïeve pogingen om migratie te ontmoedigen. Ontmoediging van migratie werkt echter traffickingpraktijken in de hand waardoor slachtoffers verder verstrikt raken in steeds onzichtbaarder wordende vormen van misbruik. De groter wordende groep mensen die willen migreren, botsen aldus op restrictievere legale migratiemogelijkheden, vaak met illegale uitwegen als enige alternatief. De conceptuele ambiguïteit laat zo een inwisselbaar gebruik van ‘mensenhandel’, ‘migratie’ en ‘prostitutie’ toe, met de mogelijkheid om de politieke belangen van anti-traffickingmaatregelen te maskeren. Kortom, woorden hebben belangengebonden betekenissen, en deze betekenissen hebben gevolgen. Laat het onderwijl vertrouwde oranje en wit daarvan de symbolische herinnering zijn. 

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