China's National Identity Construction with the US as the ‘Other’ in the Taiwan Conflict: a Story of Change or Continuity?

Aveline Gram
Persbericht

“Met alle Chinezen, maar niet met den dezen.” Maar wie zijn al die Chinezen dan?

 

China is de laatste jaren niet uit het nieuws te slaan en wordt er afgebeeld als een steeds grotere bedreiging voor het Westen. China zou, vooral sinds Chinees president Xi Jinping in 2013 aan de macht kwam, steeds assertiever en agressiever op het wereldtoneel verschijnen. Uit onderzoek naar China’s officiële discours ten opzichte van de VS, diens voornaamste tegenspeler, blijkt echter dat er sinds 2013, onder presidenten Obama en Trump, geen radicale verandering plaatsvond. China’s nationale identiteit, die met dit discours tot uiting wordt gebracht, is wel degelijk in evolutie, maar de dreigende opkomst van China wordt best niet overschat.

 

Rare gasten, die Chinezen. Of toch meer dan dat?

Je hebt je kop koffie nog niet aan je lippen terwijl je ’s ochtends de krant openslaat of je blik valt al meteen op één of andere titel over China. “Wat hebben ze nu weer uitgespookt, die Chinezen?” zal je nog wat slaperig denken. Je kijkt wat verder onder de titel: “vleermuizen”, “levend pluimvee”, “markt in Wuhan”, lees je. Je grinnikt en denkt bij jezelf “vreemde gasten die Chinezen”. Je bladert verder en lap, alweer China op je ontbijtbord: Chinees president Xi Jinping en Amerikaans president Biden met daarboven gekopt: “Chinese president waarschuwt voor nieuwe Koude Oorlog”. Mmm, die Chinezen lijken niet alleen wat eigenaardige eetgewoonten te hebben, ze lijken best ook gevaarlijk te kunnen zijn. Het grinniken wordt vervangen door een knagend onzeker gevoel: zou het…? Een Koude Oorlog…? Nu ben je volledig wakker, zet je die kop koffie naast je, en lees je verder.   

China is dus zeker geen ver-van-mijn-bed-show. Maar wat weten we eigenlijk echt over wie ze zijn en wat ze willen, die Xi Jinping en zijn Chinese Communistische Partij (CCP)? Zijn ze uit op internationale samenwerking zoals ze beweren, of streven ze naar hegemonie? “Met alle Chinezen, maar niet met den dezen”, luidt de bekende Vlaamse spreuk. In het Westen identificeren we onszelf al te graag met ‘den dezen’, want wij – als ultieme voorvechter van democratie en kapitalisme – weten het altijd beter…toch? Wat als het in werkelijkheid andersom is en wij die goedgelovigen zijn die door de Chinezen bedot worden? Het zijn allemaal vragen waar zelfs onze wereldleiders geen eensluidend antwoord op hebben. Voor antwoorden moeten we naar de bron kijken waaruit dit allemaal voortvloeit:
China’s nationale identiteit. 

image-20211003131128-1

 

China en “de ander”: de VS

We ontwikkelen allemaal een eigen identiteit waarbij we onze “zelf” vergelijken met de “ander”. Denk maar aan sociale media zoals Facebook of Instagram waar we allen erg ons best doen onze “zelf” mooi en succesvol af te beelden. Dit toont hoe onze identiteit geconstrueerd, sociaal beïnvloedbaar en bijgevolg veranderlijk is.

Zo’n identiteit is voor een staat of natie niet anders. Een land zoals China meet zich een nationale identiteit aan. En ook deze is geen vaststaand feit en wordt door anderen beïnvloed. Als China een Facebookprofiel zou hebben, wie zou die “ander” zijn die toch weer meer “likes” heeft of je stokken tussen de wielen steekt? Juist ja, die Amerikanen. Eén van de “hot topics” tussen beide grootmachten is Taiwan. Taiwan: wie, hoe, wat, zal je denken? Dit conflict komt inderdaad niet genoeg in de media, maar je mag het gerust beschouwen als een vonkend vuurtje dat in 1949 ontstaan is, het jaar waarin de Chinese Communisten de burgeroorlog wonnen van de Kuomintang en waarna die laatsten naar het eiland Taiwan vluchtten. Bovendien moeiden de VS zich van in het begin in het conflict in een poging het communisme aan banden te leggen. Die vorige Koude Oorlog, weet je wel.  Ondertussen is het echt geen vuur-tje meer, en die vonken worden ware steekvlammen. Bovendien hebben we niet alleen te maken met grootmachten, maar ook met nucleaire machten. Zo’n steekvlam wil niemand.

Onder Chinees president Xi Jinping werd er met zijn Amerikaanse tegenhanger – eerst Obama, nadien Trump – heel wat heen en weer gecommuniceerd over Taiwan. De wijze waarop mensen communiceren, de woorden die ze wel of net niet kiezen, zijn een uiting van onze veranderlijke identiteit. Hoe is die Chinese nationale identiteit onder Xi Jinping dan geëvolueerd met de VS als de “ander” en met het Taiwanconflict als gespreksonderwerp? Hiervoor analyseerde ik 378 officiële toespraken, persberichten en interviews van het Chinese regime met een discoursanalyse, een onderzoeksmethode die toelaat op een systematische manier tekst te analyseren en daaruit conclusies te trekken.

image-20211003131128-2

 

De kracht van verandering…of toch de status quo?

In tegenstelling tot wat de onheilspellende berichtgeving doet vermoeden, blijkt China’s nationale identiteit onder Xi Jinping uiteindelijk niet zo radicaal veranderd. Wel veranderde het taalgebruik geleidelijk aan, waarbij dit onder Obama eerder constructief was en onder Trump evolueerde naar een eerder defensief taalgebruik. Het woord “vrede” kwam dan wel onder beide presidenten prominent voor, maar onder Obama in de context van “vrede bewaren of promoten”, en onder Trump klonk dit “vrede ondermijnen of in gevaar brengen”. Ook bij het spreken over “militaire relaties” was er een verschil: bij Obama verwees de Chinese zijde naar samenwerking in militaire relaties; bij Trump wezen ze met de vinger naar de militaire relaties die Trump met Taiwan verder versterkte.

Dat er kracht is in verandering, heeft Bart De Wever ons goed in de oren geknoopt. Maar soms dient een zekere continuïteit met incrementele verandering net een hoger doel op lange termijn – bijvoorbeeld Xi’s droom, de “China Dream”, van een eengemaakt China tegen 2049, de 100e verjaardag van de Volksrepubliek. De gestage verandering is dus in geen geval een gebrek aan ambitie.

Rare gasten dus nog steeds, die Chinezen? Niet helemaal. Ze presenteren zich immers behoorlijk consistent, maar hun differentiatie tegenover “de ander” verschuift wel duidelijk over de tijd heen. Hoe dit interactief proces van identiteitsconstructie – ook van staten – in zijn werk gaat, verdient onze expliciete en constante aandacht. Want hopelijk kan dat knagend gevoel morgenvroeg, met die nieuwe kop koffie in de hand, plaatsmaken voor dat extra tikkeltje kennis over en nieuwsgierigheid naar “die Chinezen”.

 

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Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. (2018c, March 21). Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hua Chunying's Regular Press Conference on March 21, 2018. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/2511_665403/t…

 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. (2018d, March 22). Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Hua Chunying's Regular Press Conference on March 22, 2018. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/t1544674.shtml

 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. (2018e, December 2). Xi, Trump hold "very successful" meeting on ties, trade. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/t1618238.shtml

 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. (2019a, April 29). Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Geng Shuang's Regular Press Conference on April 29, 2019. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/t1659619.shtml

 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. (2019b, August 21). Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Geng Shuang's Regular Press Conference on August 21, 2019. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/t1690680.shtml

 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China. (2019c, December 23). Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Geng Shuang's Regular Press Conference on December 23, 2019. https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/s2510_665401/t1727131.shtml

 

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Universiteit of Hogeschool
Internationale Betrekkingen en Diplomatie
Publicatiejaar
2021
Promotor(en)
Prof. Dr. E. Atanassova-Cornelis
Kernwoorden
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