Hoe bereik je als politicus een generatie jongeren die meer aandacht heeft voor haar smartphonescherm dan voor de politiek? Door zelf video’s op TikTok te posten uiteraard. Maar win je daar ook daadwerkelijk zieltjes mee? Of knappen jongeren net af op zulke video’s? Voor mijn masterproef onderzocht ik of Vlaamse leerlingen uit de derde graad meer geneigd waren om voor een politicus te stemmen na het zien van een van zijn TikTok-filmpjes.
Met dit onderzoek won ik de thesisprijs van de Master Politieke Communicatie op de Universiteit Antwerpen. Het zaadje voor dit thesisonderwerp werd enkele jaren geleden geplant toen mijn broer op een dag thuiskwam met een Vooruit-lidkaart. Toen ik hem vroeg waarom hij zich had aangesloten bij de politieke partij, vertelde hij me dat de filmpjes van Conner Rousseau op TikTok hem hadden overtuigd. Toen begon het bij mij te dagen dat de app weleens een belangrijk instrument kon zijn voor politici om jongeren te bereiken.
Het is net de generatie jongeren actief op TikTok die het moeilijkst is warm te maken voor de politiek. Holmstock: Tijdens mijn onderzoek peilde ik naar de politieke interesse van de leerlingen op een schaal van 0 tot 10. Het gemiddelde cijfer van alle 190 bevraagde jongeren was 3,7 op 10. Maar terwijl de desinteresse groot is, weten we ook dat 59% van hen zegt bij te leren over politiek via TikTok. Een smartphonefilmpje van 30 seconden volstaat dus om een anders onverschillige doelgroep van toekomstige kiezers te bereiken.
Conner, Jos en Tom
Om na te gaan of TikTok-filmpjes ook daadwerkelijk het stemgedrag van de jongeren kunnen beïnvloeden, trok ik naar vijf middelbare scholen in Lier en Antwerpen. Vooraf maakte ik een analyse van ‘het oeuvre’ van de drie populairste politici op TikTok: Jos D’Haese, Conner Rousseau en Tom Van Grieken. Hun video’s verschilden onderling sterk in stijl en boodschap. De video’s van Jos D’Haese tonen hem voornamelijk wanneer hij spreekt in het parlement. Hij praat vooral over jongerenthema’s als inschrijvingsgeld en openbaar vervoer. Tom Van Grieken filmt zichzelf terwijl hij het heeft over zijn stokpaardjes zoals veiligheid en migratie. Conner Rousseau geeft zijn publiek dan weer al eens vaker een inkijk in zijn privéleven. Zo zien we hoe de Vooruit-voorzitter de hond uitlaat of gaat padellen met vrienden.
Leerlingen moesten met een cijfer op tien aangeven in welke mate ze zouden stemmen op de drie politici, zowel voor als na het zien van een TikTok-video. Voor Jos D’Haese, nochtans de populairste van de drie op de app, bleef de stemintentie nagenoeg gelijk ( 6,1 naar 5,6). Bij de andere twee politici gebeurde er wel iets opvallend. De gemiddelde stemkans voor Tom Van Grieken daalde na het bekijken van het filmpje (waarin hij kritiek gaf op de andere partijen) van 5,2 naar 2,7. Conner Rousseau klom na het tonen van een persoonlijk filmpje dan weer van 2,4 naar 5,0. Deze cijfers zijn natuurlijk afhankelijk van heel wat factoren, maar het toont alvast aan dat jongeren met weinig kennis van en interesse in de politiek, sterk beïnvloedbaar zijn.
Pril onderzoeksgebied
‘TikTok als politiek communicatiemedium’ staat als onderzoeksgebied nog in zijn kinderschoenen. Op beleidsniveau woedt volop de discussie of het platform al dan niet moet worden verboden, terwijl binnen de wetenschappelijke literatuur over TikTok en politiek nog zéér beperkt blijft. Tijdens mijn onderzoek vond ik geen enkele Belgische bron. Opvallend, want de invloed die ik heb kunnen vaststellen is nochtans opmerkelijk.
Politici die TikTok inzetten, moeten zich bewust zijn van de filmpjes die ze delen met hun publiek. TikTok-video’s zijn kort en bondig. Dat gaat vaak ten koste van belangrijke context. Het weerwoord van de bevoegde minister op de tussenkomsten in het parlement van Jos D’Haese is telkens weggeknipt uit de montage. En wanneer Tom Van Grieken een fragment toont van migranten die slaags met elkaar raken, wordt over de omstandigheden van die beelden met geen woord gerept. Zulke omkadering is nochtans broodnodig om het grotere plaatje te begrijpen.
Bibliografie
Banaji, S., & Buckingham, D. (2010). Young People, the Internet, and Civic Participation: An Overview of Key Findings from the CivicWeb Project. International Journal of Learning and Media, 2(1), 15–24. https://doi.org/10.1162/ijlm_a_00038
Baum, M. A., & Jamison, A. (2006). TheOprahEffect: How Soft News Helps Inattentive Citizens Vote Consistently. The Journal of Politics, 68(4), 946–959. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-
Bene, M. (2017). Influenced by Peers: Facebook as an Information Source for Young People.
Social Media and Society, 3(2), 205630511771627. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305117716273
Bene, M. (2017a). Go viral on the Facebook! Interactions between candidates and followers on Facebook during the Hungarian general election campaign of 2014. Information, Communication & Society, 20(4), 513–529. Doi:10.1080/1369118X.2016.1198411
Bennett, W. L. (2007). Changing Citizenship in the Digital Age. The MIT Press Ebooks. https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/7893.003.0002
Berger, J. (2011). Arousal increases social transmission of information. Psychological Science, 22(7), 891–893. Doi:10.1177/0956797611413294
Boeker, M., & Urman, A. (2022). An Empirical Investigation of Personalization Factors on TikTok. In Proceedings of the ACM Web Conference 2022. https://doi.org/10.1145/3485447.3512102
Bossen, C. B., & Kottasz, R. (2020). Uses and gratifications sought by pre-adolescent and adolescent TikTok consumers. Young Consumers: Insight and Ideas for Responsible Marketers, 21(4), 463–478. https://doi.org/10.1108/yc-07-2020-1186
Boulianne, S. (2009). Does Internet Use Affect Engagement? A Meta-Analysis of Research.
Political Communication, 26(2), 193–211. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584600902854363
Coleman, S. (2008). Doing IT for themselves: Management versus autonomy in youth e- citizenship. In W. L. Bennett (Ed.), Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth (pp. 189–206). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Coleman, S., & Blumler, J. G. (2009). The Internet and Democratic Citizenship: Theory, Practice and Policy. Cambridge University Press.
Craig, S. L., Niemi, R. G., & Silver, G. E. (1990). Political efficacy and trust: A report on the NES pilot study items. Political Behavior, 12(3), 289–314. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf00992337
Duyvendak, J. W. (2004). De individualisering van de samenleving en de toekomst van de sociologie. Tijdschrift Sociologie, 51(3-4), 495-506.
Ekman, M., & Widholm, A. (2017). Political communication in an age of visual connectivity: Exploring Instagram practices among Swedish politicians. Northern Lights, 15(1), 15–32. https://doi.org/10.1386/nl.15.1.15_1
Elhai, J. D., Yang, H., & Montag, C. (2021). Fear of missing out (FOMO): overview, theoretical underpinnings, and literature review on relations with severity of negative affectivity and problematic technology use. Revista Brasileira De Psiquiatria, 43(2), 203–209. https://doi.org/10.1590/1516-4446-2020-0870
Engesser, S., Ernst, N., Esser, F., & Büchel, F. (2017). Populism and social media: How politicians spread a fragmented ideology. Information, Communication & Society, 20(8), 1109–1126.
Enli Gunn Sara, Skogerbø Eli. 2013. “Personalized Campaigns in Party-Centered Politics: Twitter and Facebook as Arenas for Political Communication.” Information, Communication & Society 16 (5): 757–74.
Farkas, X., & Bene, M. (2021). Images, Politicians, and Social Media: Patterns and Effects of Politicians’ Image-Based Political Communication Strategies on Social Media. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 26(1), 119–142. https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161220959553
Ferguson, R. M., Gutberg, J., Schattke, K., Paulin, M., & Jost, N. (2015). Self-determination theory, social media and charitable causes: An in-depth analysis of autonomous motivation.
European Journal of Social Psychology, 45(3), 298–307. https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2038
Fisher, C., Culloty, E., Lee, J. Y., & Park, S. (2019). Regaining Control Citizens who follow politicians on social media and their perceptions of journalism. Digital Journalism, 7(2), 230–250. https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2018.1519375
Genner, S., & Süss, D. (2017). Socialization as Media Effect. The International Encyclopedia of Media Effects, 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118783764.wbieme0138
Gerber, A. S., Green, D. P., & Shachar, R. (2003). Voting May Be Habit‐Forming: Evidence from a Randomized Field Experiment. American Journal of Political Science, 47(3), 540–550. https://doi.org/10.1111/1540-5907.00038
Grabe, M. E., & Bucy, E. P. (2009). Image Bite Politics: News and the Visual Framing of Elections. Oxford University Press.
Graham, T., Jackson, D., & Broersma, M. (2018). The personal in the political on Twitter: Towards a typology of politicians’ personalized tweeting behaviours. In J. Schwanholz, T. Graham, & P.-T. Stoll (Eds.), Managing democracy in the digital age (pp. 137–157). Springer.
Halupka, M. (2014). Clicktivism: A Systematic Heuristic. Policy & Internet, 6(2), 115–132. https://doi.org/10.1002/1944-2866.poi355
Hand, M. (2013). Ubiquitous Photography. John Wiley & Sons.
Heiss, R., Schmuck, D., & Matthes, J. (2019). What drives interaction in political actors’ Facebook posts? Profile and content predictors of user engagement and political actors’ reactions. Information, Communication & Society, 22(10), 1497–1513. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2018.1445273
Jacobs, K. T. E., & Spierings, N. (2020). Politici en nieuwe media: Posten voor eigen parochie?. Kaiser, J. W., Keller, T., & Königslöw, K. K. (2021). Incidental News Exposure on Facebook as a
Social Experience: The Influence of Recommender and Media Cues on News Selection.
Communication Research, 48(1), 77–99. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650218803529
Kalsnes, B., Larsson, A., & Enli, G. (2017). The social media logic of political interaction: Exploring citizens’ and politicians’ relationship on Facebook and Twitter. First Monday. https://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v22i2.6348
Karlsen, R. (2015). Followers are opinion leaders: The role of people in the flow of political communication on and beyond social networking sites. European Journal of Communication, 30(3), 301–318. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323115577305
Karvonen, L. (2010). The Personalisation of Politics: A Study of Parliamentary Democracies. Keller, T., & Königslöw, K. K. (2018). Followers, Spread the Message! Predicting the Success of
Swiss Politicians on Facebook and Twitter. Social Media and Society, 4(1), 205630511876573. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118765733
Kreiss, D., Lawrence, R. G., & McGregor, S. C. (2018). In Their Own Words: Political Practitioner Accounts of Candidates, Audiences, Affordances, Genres, and Timing in Strategic Social Media Use. Political Communication, 35(1), 8–31. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2017.1334727
Kruikemeier, S., Van Noort, G., Vliegenthart, R., & De Vreese, C. H. (2013). Getting closer: The effects of personalized and interactive online political communication. European Journal of Communication, 28(1), 53–66. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323112464837
Larsson, A. (2013). “Rejected Bits of Program Code”: Why Notions of “Politics 2.0” Remain (Mostly) Unfulfilled. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 10(1), 72–85. https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2012.719727
Latané, B. (1981). The psychology of social impact. American Psychologist, 36(4), 343–356. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.36.4.343
Lee, N., Shah, D. V., & McLeod, J. M. (2013). Processes of Political Socialization.
Communication Research, 40(5), 669–697. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650212436712
Literat, I., & Kligler-Vilenchik, N. (2019). Youth collective political expression on social media: The role of affordances and memetic dimensions for voicing political views. New Media & Society, 21(9), 1988–2009. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444819837571
Loader, B. D. (2007). Young Citizens in the Digital Age: Political Engagement, Young People and New Media. Routledge.
Lüders, M., Følstad, A., & Waldal, E. (2014). Expectations and Experiences With MyLabourParty: From Right to Know to Right to Participate? Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 19(3), 446–462. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcc4.12047
Mannheim, K. (1952). The problem of generations. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. (Original work published 1928)
Manning, N., Penfold-Mounce, R., Loader, B. D., Vromen, A., & Xenos, M. A. (2017).
Politicians, celebrities and social media: a case of 40nformalization? Journal of Youth Studies, 20(2), 127–144. https://doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2016.1206867
Marengo, D., & Montag, C. (2020). Digital Phenotyping of Big Five Personality via Facebook Data Mining: A Meta-Analysis. Digital Psychology, 1(1), 52–64. https://doi.org/10.24989/dp.v1i1.1823
Marengo, D., Montag, C., Sindermann, C., Elhai, J. D., & Settanni, M. (2021). Examining the links between active Facebook use, received likes, self-esteem and happiness: A study using objective social media data. Telematics and Informatics, 58, 101523. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2020.101523
Marquart, F., Ohme, J., & Möller, J. (2020). Following Politicians on Social Media: Effects for Political Information, Peer Communication, and Youth Engagement. Media and Communication, 8(2), 197–207. https://doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i2.2764
Masciantonio, A., Bourguignon, D., Bouchat, P., Balty, M., & Rimé, B. (2020). Don’t put all social network sites in one basket: Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, TikTok, and their relations with well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic. PsyArXiv. https://doi.org/10.31234/osf.io/82bgt
Matz, S., Kosinski, M., Nave, G., & Stillwell, D. (2017). Psychological targeting as an effective approach to digital mass persuasion. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 114(48), 12714–12719. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1710966114
Maurissen, L. (2020). Political efficacy and interest as mediators of expected political participation among Belgian adolescents. Applied Developmental Science, 24(4), 339–353. https://doi.org/10.1080/10888691.2018.1507744
Mazzoleni, G., & Schulz, W. (1999). “Mediatization” of Politics: A Challenge for Democracy?
Political Communication, 16(3), 247–261. https://doi.org/10.1080/105846099198613
McAllister, I. (2007). The Personalization of Politics. Oxford University Press Ebooks, 571–588. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199270125.003.0030
Messaris, P. (2019). The Digital Transformation of Visual Politics. Springer Ebooks, 17–36. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18729-3_2
Metz, M., Kruikemeier, S., & Lecheler, S. (2020). Personalization of politics on Facebook: examining the content and effects of professional, emotional and private self-personalization. Information, Communication & Society, 23(10), 1481–1498. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2019.1581244
Miller LM, Prior DD. Online social networks and friending behaviour: A selfdetermination theory perspective. In: ANZMAC 2010: Proceedings : Doing More with Less. Australian and New Zealand Marketing Academy Conference. (2010). Available online at: https://researchers.mq.edu.au/en/publications/ online-social-networks-and-friending-behaviour-a- self-determinati
Möller, J., De Vreese, C. H., Esser, F., & Kunz, R. (2014). Pathway to Political Participation.
American Behavioral Scientist, 58(5), 689–700. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764213515220
Montag, C., Lachmann, B., Herrlich, M., & Zweig, K. A. (2019). Addictive Features of Social Media/Messenger Platforms and Freemium Games against the Background of Psychological and Economic Theories. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(14), 2612. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16142612
Morozov, E. (2012). The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom. Hachette UK.
Norris, P., & Norris, M. L. I. C. P. P. (2001). Digital Divide: Civic Engagement, Information Poverty, and the Internet Worldwide. Cambridge University Press.
Ohme, J. (2019). When digital natives enter the electorate: Political social media use among first-time voters and its effects on campaign participation. Journal of information technology & politics, 16(2), 119-136.
Omar, B., & Dequan, W. (2020). Watch, Share or Create: The Influence of Personality Traits and User Motivation on TikTok Mobile Video Usage. International Journal of Interactive Mobile Technologies, 14(04), 121. https://doi.org/10.3991/ijim.v14i04.12429
Parmelee, J. H., & Roman, N. (2019). Insta-Politicos: Motivations for Following Political Leaders on Instagram. Social Media and Society, 5(2), 205630511983766. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119837662
Pedersen, H. H., & Rahat, G. (2021). Political personalization and personalized politics within and beyond the behavioural arena. Party Politics, 27(2), 211–219. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068819855712
Peeters, J., Opgenhaffen, M., Kreutz, T., & Van Aelst, P. (2022). Understanding the online relationship between politicians and citizens. A study on the user engagement of politicians’
Facebook posts in election and routine periods. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 20(1), 44–59. https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2029791
Qiu, L., Lin, H., & Leung, A. K. (2013). Cultural differences and switching of in-group sharing behavior between an American (Facebook) and a Chinese (Renren) social networking site. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 44(1), 106–121. Doi:10.1177/0022022111434597
Rossini, P. (2019). Disentangling uncivil and intolerant discourse. In R. Boatright, D. Young, S. Sobieraj, & T. Shaffer (eds). A crisis of civility? Contemporary research on civility, incivility, and political discourse (142 – 157). New York: Routlegde.
Russmann, U., Svensson, J., & Larsson, A. (2019). Political Parties and Their Pictures: Visual Communication on Instagram in Swedish and Norwegian Election Campaigns. Springer Ebooks, 119– 144. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18729-3_7
Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.68
Sariyska, R., Lachmann, B., Cheng, C., Gnisci, A., Sergi, I., Pace, A., Kaliszewska-Czeremska, K., Laconi, S., Zhong, S., Toraman, D., Geiger, M., & Montag, C. (2019). The Motivation for Facebook Use
– Is it a Matter of Bonding or Control Over Others? Journal of Individual Differences, 40(1), 26–35. https://doi.org/10.1027/1614-0001/a000273
Serrano, J. a. C., Papakyriakopoulos, O., & Hegelich, S. (2020). Dancing to the Partisan Beat: A First Analysis of Political Communication on TikTok. ArXiv (Cornell University). https://doi.org/10.1145/3394231.3397916
Shao, J., & Lee, S. (2020). The Effect of Chinese Adolescents’ Motivation to Use Tiktok on Satisfaction and Continuous Use Intention. The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology, 6(2), 107–115. https://doi.org/10.17703/jcct.2020.6.2.107
Shehata, A., & Strömbäck, J. (2021). Learning Political News From Social Media: Network Media Logic and Current Affairs News Learning in a High-Choice Media Environment. Communication Research, 48(1), 125–147. https://doi.org/10.1177/0093650217749354
Sindermann, C., Cooper, A. I., & Montag, C. (2020). A short review on susceptibility to falling for fake political news. Current Opinion in Psychology, 36, 44–48. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.copsyc.2020.03.014
Sindermann, C., Elhai, J. D., Moshagen, M., & Montag, C. (2020). Age, gender, personality, ideological attitudes and individual differences in a person’s news spectrum: how many and who might be prone to “filter bubbles” and “echo chambers” online? Heliyon, 6(1), e03214. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2020.e03214
Small Tamar A. 2016. “Parties, Leaders, and Online Personalization: Twitter in Canadian
Electoral Politics.” In Twitter and Elections around the World Campaigning in 140 Characters or Less, ed. Davis Richard, Bacha Christina Holtz, Just Marion R., 173–189. New York: Routledge.
Statista. (2023, 6 april). Global TikTok users 2018-2027. https://www.statista.com/forecasts/1142687/tiktok-users-worldwide
Statista. (2023, 9 januari). Most downloaded apps worldwide 2022.
https://www.statista.com/statistics/1285960/top-downloaded-mobile-apps-worldwide/
Stier, S., Bleier, A., Lietz, H., & Strohmaier, M. (2018). Election Campaigning on Social Media: Politicians, Audiences, and the Mediation of Political Communication on Facebook and Twitter.
Political Communication, 35(1), 50–74. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2017.1334728
Stout, D. W. (2022, October 26). Social Media Statistics 2023: Top Networks By the Numbers.
Dustin Stout. https://dustinstout.com/social-media-statistics/
Stromer-Galley, J. (2019). Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age.
Thesen, G., Green-Pedersen, C., & Mortensen, P. B. (2017). Priming, Issue Ownership, and Party Support: The Electoral Gains of an Issue-Friendly Media Agenda. Political Communication, 34(2), 282–301. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2016.1233920
Thorson, K., Cotter, K., & Pak, C. (2019). Algorithmic inference, political interest, and exposure to news and politics on Facebook. Information, Communication & Society, 24(2), 183–200. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118x.2019.1642934
Trapman, L. S. A. (2022). Online verkiezingscampagnes, transparantie en de EU. Op zoek naar de'onderliggende logica'.
Tsfati, Y., Markowitz Elfassi, D. & WaismelManor, 1. (201 0). Exploring the Association between lsra eli Legislators' Physical Attractiveness and Their Television News Coverage. The International Joumal of Press/ Politics, 15(2), 175-192.
User-generated internet content per minute 2022 | Statista. (2023, February 14). Statista. https://www.statista.com/statistics/195140/new-user-generated-content-uploaded-by-users-per- minute/
Valentino, N. A., & Sears, D. O. (1998). Event-driven political communication and the preadult socialization of partisanship. Political Behavior, 20(2), 127–154.
Van Aelst, P., & Aarts, K. (2015). Introductie: Personalisering van de politiek: een multidimensioneel begrip. Res Publica, 57(1).
Van Aelst, P., Sheafer, T., & Stanyer, J. (2012). The personalization of mediated political communication: A review of concepts, operationalizations and key findings. Journalism: Theory, Practice & Criticism, 13(2), 203–220. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884911427802
Van Santen, R., & Van Zoonen, L. (2009). Stand van de Wetenschap: Popularisering en personalisering in politieke communicatie. Tijdschrift Voor Communicatiewetenschappen, 37(2). https://doi.org/10.5117/2009.037.002.155
Van Zoonen Liesbet. 2006. “The Personal, the Political and the Popular: A Woman’s Guide to Celebrity Politics.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 9 (3): 287–301.
Veneti, A., Jackson, D., & Lilleker, D. G. (2019). Visual Political Communication. Springer.
VRTnws (2021, 15 januari). TikTok verandert privacyinstellingen voor kinderen jonger dan 16 jaar: wat precies? En waarom? Vrtnws.be. https://www.vrt.be/vrtnws/nl/2021/01/15/tiktok-
verandert-privacyinstellingen-voor-kinderen-jonger-dan-16/
VRTnws (2023, 15 maart). Wat betekent TikTok-ban voor populaire Vlaamse politici op het platform? “Ik ga er absoluut niet mee stoppen.” vrtnws.be. https://www.vrt.be/vrtnws/nl/2023/03/15/tiktok-vlaamse-politici/
Waismel-Manor, I. & Tsfati, Y. (2011). Why Do Better-Looking Members of Congress Receive More Television Coverage? Politica/ Communication, 28(4), 440-463.
Walgrave, S., Tresch, A., & Lefevere, J. (2015). The Conceptualisation and Measurement of Issue Ownership. West European Politics, 38(4), 778–796. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1039381
Weber, L. M., Loumakis, A., & Bergman, J. N. (2003). Who Participates and Why? Social Science Computer Review, 21(1), 26–42. https://doi.org/10.1177/0894439302238969
Weeks, B. E., Kim, D., Hahn, L., Diehl, T., & Kwak, N. (2019). Hostile Media Perceptions in the Age of Social Media: Following Politicians, Emotions, and Perceptions of Media Bias. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 63(3), 374–392. https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2019.1653069
Woolley, J. K., Limperos, A. M., & Oliver, M. B. (2010). The 2008 Presidential Election, 2.0: A Content Analysis of User-Generated Political Facebook Groups. Mass Communication and Society, 13(5), 631–652. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2010.516864