Van broederschap tot machtspolitiek: Hoe Turkije woorden inzet als wapen in de Karabach-oorlog

Görkem
Yavuz

Een oorlog van woorden

Toen in de herfst van 2020 de tweede oorlog om Nagorno-Karabach uitbrak, spraken Turkse leiders niet alleen in termen van wapens en strategie. Hun taal was doorspekt met woorden als broederschap, solidariteit en historische verantwoordelijkheid. Turkije’s steun aan Azerbeidzjan leek meer op een familieaangelegenheid dan op een klassiek militair bondgenootschap. Maar achter die warme woorden ging een diepere politieke logica schuil: taal als instrument om oorlog te legitimeren.

Mijn masteronderzoek aan de Universiteit Gent richtte zich precies op dat punt. Hoe construeerde Turkije via politieke en mediatieke discoursen de legitimiteit van zijn betrokkenheid in het Karabach-conflict? En hoe reageerde de internationale gemeenschap op die verhalen?

 

Een conflict met lange wortels

Het conflict om Nagorno-Karabach – een bergachtige regio in de Zuidelijke Kaukasus – begon eind jaren tachtig nog in Sovjettijd. Wat begon als etnische spanningen tussen Armeniërs en Azerbeidzjanen mondde uit in een bloedige oorlog (1988-1994). Armenië bezette niet alleen Karabach maar ook zeven omliggende Azerbeidzjaanse districten.

Voor Turkije, dat zichzelf historisch en cultureel nauw verbonden voelt met Azerbeidzjan, was dit een gevoelige kwestie. Toch bleef Ankara in de jaren negentig voorzichtig. Het steunde Azerbeidzjan retorisch, maar vermeed directe militaire betrokkenheid – deels uit vrees voor Rusland.

Pas decennia later, tijdens de tweede Karabach-oorlog in 2020, verschoof het discours. Turkije positioneerde zich nu luidruchtig als de trouwe bondgenoot van Azerbeidzjan.

 

Van terughoudendheid naar assertieve solidariteit

In mijn analyse van toespraken, mediaberichten en officiële verklaringen ontdekte ik drie fases in de Turkse retoriek:

  • 1988–1999: terughoudend maar betrokken

De nadruk lag op diplomatie en voorzichtigheid. Solidariteit met Azerbeidzjan werd uitgesproken, maar steeds omgeven door verwijzingen naar internationale rechtspraak en vrede.

  • 2000–2010: continuïteit en versterking

De retoriek draaide meer rond historische en culturele banden. Termen als twee staten, één natie werden populair. Turkije presenteerde zichzelf als de morele steunpilaar van Azerbeidzjan.

  • 2020: assertieve solidariteit en securitisering

Tijdens de oorlog in 2020 sprak Ankara openlijk over een “existentiële strijd”. Het conflict werd voorgesteld als een aanval op de hele Turkse en islamitische gemeenschap. De taal werd harder, emotioneler en nadrukkelijker gekoppeld aan veiligheid.

Kortom: de toon verschoof van diplomatieke voorzichtigheid naar een assertieve, bijna strijdlustige solidariteit.

 

Woorden die macht scheppen

Waarom is die taal zo belangrijk? Constructivistische theorie in de internationale betrekkingen stelt dat de wereldorde niet enkel gevormd wordt door tanks en verdragen, maar ook door ideeën, verhalen en symbolen. Taal schept realiteit.

Door het conflict te framen als een kwestie van “broederschap” kon Turkije zijn militaire steun voorstellen als morele plicht, niet als agressieve inmenging. Door Armenië neer te zetten als bedreiging voor regionale stabiliteit, kreeg de steun bovendien een defensieve glans.

Zo ontstaat legitimiteit niet uit wetten of verdragen, maar uit overtuigende verhalen.

 

Botsende verhalen op het wereldtoneel

Internationaal werd dit discours niet overal geslikt.

  • Frankrijk en de VS wezen Turkije’s rol af als destabiliserend. Zij betwijfelden of Ankara’s retoriek van solidariteit wel strookte met internationale normen.
  • Iran vreesde dat Turkije’s inmenging het evenwicht in de regio zou verstoren en gebruikte een eigen tegen-discours.
  • Armenië schilderde Turkije af als een neo-imperiale macht die achter de schermen de oorlog aanwakkerde.

Die botsende verhalen tonen hoe legitimiteit altijd relationeel en betwist is: wat voor de ene partij een morele plicht is, wordt door de ander gezien als ongeoorloofde inmenging.

 

Nieuwe spelregels voor internationale interventie

Mijn onderzoek laat zien dat de Turkse discursieve strategieën meer waren dan binnenlandse retoriek. Ze beïnvloedden ook hoe internationale normen over interventie verschuiven.

  • Van multilateralisme naar unilateralisme: Turkije stelde dat het, ongeacht internationale instellingen, de plicht had om Azerbeidzjan te steunen. Daarmee werd de rol van multilaterale organisaties als de VN verder uitgehold.
  • Van onderhandelen naar macht tonen: Het idee dat conflicten via onderhandelingen moeten worden opgelost, maakte plaats voor de legitimering van geweld als snelle en legitieme oplossing.
  • Van neutraliteit naar identiteit: Solidariteit gebaseerd op culturele en religieuze banden won aan kracht tegenover abstracte juridische principes.

Met andere woorden: woorden zetten nieuwe spelregels in beweging, die de internationale politiek van morgen kunnen bepalen.

 

Waarom dit ertoe doet

De Karabach-oorlog lijkt misschien een ver-van-mijn-bed-show, maar de manier waarop staten hun inmenging verpakken in mooie verhalen raakt ons allemaal. Want als solidariteit of “historische verantwoordelijkheid” een vrijgeleide wordt voor militair ingrijpen, wat betekent dat dan voor toekomstige conflicten – van Oekraïne tot het Midden-Oosten?

Door te kijken naar taal, zie je dat macht niet enkel met wapens wordt uitgeoefend, maar ook met woorden die legitimiteit scheppen of ondermijnen.

 

Conclusie

Mijn thesis toont hoe Turkije’s betrokkenheid in Nagorno-Karabach niet enkel een verhaal is van tanks en drones, maar vooral van woorden die legitimiteit claimen. In internationale politiek zijn verhalen vaak even krachtig als kogels.

Het is daarom cruciaal om kritisch te kijken naar hoe staten hun acties presenteren. Achter elk discours schuilt een poging om macht, invloed en normen te herschrijven.

Of zoals een oud Vlaams gezegde stelt: “Het leven is niet altijd rozengeur en maneschijn.” Ook in de internationale politiek niet – maar met een scherp oog voor taal kunnen we tenminste zien hoe de spelregels worden herschreven.

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2.4. Other News Media Sources (Uncoded)

In Threat To Israel, Erdogan Cites Turkish ‘Entry’ Into Karabakh. (2024, July 29). Radio

Free Europe/Radio Liberty. https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33055076.html

Kelly, L. (2020, September 29). Biden says Turkey must stay out of Azerbaijan-Armenia

conflict. The Hill. https://thehill.com/policy/international/518794-biden-says-turkey-must-…-

out-of-armenia-azerbaijan-conflict/

Kelly, L. (2020, September 29). Democrats warn Turkey over involvement in Azerbaijan-

Armenia conflict. The Hill. https://thehill.com/policy/international/518737-democrats-warn-

turkey-over-involvement-in-azerbaijan-armenia-conflict/

Andreias, V. (n.d.). Anticipatory self-defense in international law: legal or just a construct

for using force? Retrieved from https://arno.uvt.nl/show.cgi?fid=122935

Turkey officially changes name at UN to Türkiye. (2022, June 3). Retrieved from The

Guardian: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/03/turkey-changes-name-to-tu…-

other-name-is-for-the-birds

Putin, Erdogan Discuss Progress of Implementation of Agreements on Karabakh. (2021,

November 24). Sputnik. Retrieved from https://sputnikglobe.com/20201124/putin-erdogan-

discuss-progress-of-implementation-of-agreements-on-karabakh-1081263154.html

Yacoubian, K. (2024, December 10). What are the prospects of Turkish-Armenian

normalization? Retrieved from The Armenian Weekly:

https://armenianweekly.com/2024/12/10/what-are-the-prospects-of-turkish…-

normalization/

Erdoğan Azerbaycan'da: Batılı emperyalistlerin gaz vermesiyle bir yere varılmayacağı

görülmeli. (2020, December 10). Euronews. https://tr.euronews.com/2020/12/10/cumhurbaskan-

erdogan-dagl-k-karabag-zafer-gecidine-kat-lmak-uzere-azerbaycan-da

Erdoğan: Dağlık Karabağ'da çözüm vakti geldi. (2020, September 28). Deutsche Welle

Türkçe. https://www.dw.com/tr/erdo%C4%9Fan-da%C4%9Fl%C4%B1k-karaba%C4%9Fda-

%C3%A7%C3%B6z%C3%BCm-vakti-geldi/a-55079318

 

III. Official Documents and Archival Records

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1992). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1992-2.pdf [MFA.04-MFA.24]

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1993). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1993-2.pdf [MFA.25-MFA.32]

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1994). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1994-2.pdf [MFA.33]

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1995). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1995-2.pdf [MFA.34] [PPM.05-PPM.08]

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1996). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1996-2.pdf [MFA.35-MFA.37]

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1998). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1998-2.pdf [MFA.38]

Dışişleri Bakanlığı Tarihçesi. (1999). Ankara: Dışişleri Eğitim Merkezi.

https://diad.mfa.gov.tr/diad/tarihce/1999-2.pdf [MFA.39]

UN. (1945). United Nations Charter. United Nations. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-

charter/full-text

UNGA. (1970). Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly

Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.

United Nations General Assembly. https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/202170?v=pdf

Yılmaz, H. (Ed.). (2011). Tarihe Düşülen Notlar: Yasama Yılı Açılışlarında

Cumhurbaşkanlarının Konuşmaları. Ankara: Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Yayınevi. [PPM.03,

PPM.04]

IV. Policy and Research Reports

Aras, B. (2009). Davutoğlu Era in Turkish Foreign Policy. Ankara: SETA.

Duclos, M. (2020, November 13). Nagorno-Karabakh: Lessons From a Peace Deal

Brokered by Russia and Turkey. Montaigne Institut.

https://www.institutmontaigne.org/en/expressions/nagorno-karabakh-lesso…-

brokered-russia-and-turkey [FR.04]

Giragosian, R. (2020, October 6). The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: What is at Stake?

Montaigne Institut. https://www.institutmontaigne.org/en/expressions/nagorno-karabakh-confl…-

what-stake [FR.06]

Górecki, W., & Chudziak, M. (2021). The (pan-)Turkic Caucasus The Baku-Ankara

alliance and its regional importance. OSW Commentary.

https://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2021-02-01/pan-turk…-

ankara-alliance-and-its-regional

Işık, Y. (2022, February 8). Turkey: Walking the Tightrope between NATO, Russia and

Ukraine. Montaigne Institut. https://www.institutmontaigne.org/en/expressions/turkey-walking-

tightrope-between-nato-russia-and-ukraine [FR.07]

Landgraf, W., & Seferian, N. (2024). A “Frozen Conflict” Boils Over: Nagorno-

Karabakh in 2023 and Future Implications. Foreign Policy Research Institute.

https://www.fpri.org/article/2024/01/a-frozen-conflict-boils-over-nagor…-

future-implications/

Russian News Agency Sputnik: Turkey's Penetration Into South Caucasus Is Causing

Concern In Tehran; Iran Will Do Everything In Its Power To Regain Its Influence In The Region.

(2021, February 26). The Middle East Media Research Institute.

https://www.memri.org/reports/russian-news-agency-sputnik-turkeys-penet…-

causing-concern-tehran-iran

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Universiteit of Hogeschool
Universiteit Gent
Thesis jaar
2025
Promotor(en)
Koen Vlassenroot