Jonge politici communiceren op sociale media nauwelijks anders dan hun oudere collega's. Dat blijkt uit een kwart miljoen Facebookposts van Vlaamse politici. Eén verschil blijft: hun toon. En die toon wordt razendsnel de norm.
"Geniet ervan matekes en stay safe." Zo wenste Conner Rousseau (Vooruit, 27) in september 2020 studenten een goed academiejaar. Twee jaar later schreef zijn partijgenoot Frank Vandenbroucke (66) bij de start van het schooljaar: "Maak er een onvergetelijk jaar van." Dezelfde partij, dezelfde situatie, maar een compleet andere toon. Het lijkt het bewijs van wat veel mensen denken: jonge politici klinken anders dan hun ervaren collega's. Maar klopt dat wel?
Meer jongeren in het parlement als oplossing?
Jongeren haken af bij de politiek als ze niet meer moeten gaan stemmen. Bij de lokale verkiezingen van 2024 (de eerste zonder opkomstplicht) ging slechts de helft van de 18- tot 24-jarigen stemmen tegenover meer dan 85% van de 65-plussers. Ook in het federale parlement zijn ze schaars: slechts 11% van de parlementsleden is jonger dan 35.
De redenering lijkt logisch: stuur meer jongeren de politiek in en hun belangen komen vanzelf op tafel. Sommige landen voerden daarom zelfs jeugdquota in. Maar zijn jonge politici ook echt anders bezig dan oudere?
239.525 posts onder de loep
Max Mooring zocht het uit voor zijn masterproef politieke communicatie aan de Universiteit Antwerpen. Hij verzamelde alle Facebook posts die 347 Vlaamse parlementsleden, ministers en partijvoorzitters tussen 2010 en 2024 plaatsten. Handmatig te werk gaan was onmogelijk dus maakte bij gebruik van een Large Language Model (LLM). Per post bepaalde het model vijf kenmerken: gaat het over de toekomst? Over jongeren? Over het privéleven van de politicus? Is de toon positief? En klink het informeel?
Of de machine de posts écht begreep, controleerde Mooring door haar oordeel te vergelijken met dat van menselijke codeurs. Het model bleek minstens zo consistent als de mensen. "Jong" betekende: 35 jaar of jonger op het moment van posten.
De partij telt zwaarder dan de geboortedatum.
Het resultaat is enigzins teleurstellend. Van de vijf verwachtingen over jonge politici blijft er slechts één overeind. Ze praten niet vaker over de toekomst, niet vaker over jongeren en niet vaker over hun privéleven. Ook positiever zijn ze niet: oudere politici posten zelfs positiever (64% tegenover 53%) maar dat verschil verdwijnt zodra je rekening houdt met de partij van de politicus.
Want de partij maakt het verschil. Bij CD&V richt ruim één op de vijf posts zich tot jongeren, bij het Vlaams Belang nog geen 8%. Wie jong verkozen raakt, heeft bovendien al een traject in de partij afgelegd wat kan verklaren waarom jonge politici zo weinig afwijken van de partijcommunicatie.
Eén uitzondering: de toon
Eén verschil houdt wél stand: jonge politici communiceren informeler. Denk aan spreektaal, emoji's, humor, "je" in plaats van "u", halve zinnen enzovoort. Van hun posts is 63% informeel, tegenover 60% bij oudere politici. Dat klinkt weinig maar bij Vooruit en CD&V is het contrast opvallend: daar is 77% van de posts van jonge politici informeel tegenover 61% bij hun oudere partijgenoten. Over alle partijen heen blijft het verschil overeind na correctie voor de partij, jaartal, gender, al dan niet een kopstuk en aantal volgers. Leeftijd zie je dus niet in wat politici zeggen, wel in hoe ze het zeggen.
Iedereen klinkt jonger
Het opvallendste inzicht kwam uit een tweede analyse. Mooring volgde 28 politici die minstens tien jaar zetelden en vergeleek hun eerste met hun laatste jaar waarin zij postte. Bij 25 van hen was het aandeel informele posts gestegen doorheen hun carrière, bij 24 ook het aandeel positieve posts. Terwijl ze ouder werden, gingen ze dus jonger klinken. Bij huidig Vlaams minister president Matthias Diependaele (N-VA) steeg het aandeel informele posts tussen 2014 en 2024 van ongeveer een derde naar zeven op de tien.
Over de gehele periode gingen de posts van zowel jonge als oudere politici meer over de toekomst, meer over jongeren, meer over het privéleven en ook positiever en informeler. Het lijkt erop dat Facebook zelf de norm zet: wie opvalt en reacties wil, schrijft herkenbaar en luchtig. Informeel zijn, is dus geen jeugdkenmerk maar een gedeelde stijl, waarin jongeren iets verder gaan.
Geen wondermiddel
Samenvattend maakt dit de jongerenvertegenwoordiging niet minder belangrijk maar wel minder vanzelfsprekend. Meer jonge gezichten in het parlement lossen de afstand tussen jongeren en politiek niet vanzelf op. De vraag is niet alleen wie verkozen raakt maar ook hoeveel ruimte partijen en platformen hen laten om anders te klinken.
Adam, S., & Maier, M. (2010). Personalization of Politics A Critical Review and Agenda for Research.
Annals of the international communication association, 34(1), 213-257.
https://doi.org/10.1080/23808985.2010.11679101
Alesina, A., Cassidy, T., & Troiano, U. (2019). Old and Young Politicians. Economica, 86(344), 689-
727. https://doi.org/10.1111/ecca.12287
André, A., Depauw, S., & Martin, S. (2015). Electoral Systems and Legislators’ Constituency Effort:
The Mediating Effect of Electoral Vulnerability. Comparative Political Studies, 48(4), 464-496.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414014545512
Anthropic. (2024). Claude (large language model). In https://www.anthropic.com
Baskaran, T., Hessami, Z., & Schirner, S. (2024). Young versus old politicians and public spending
priorities. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 225, 88-106.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2024.07.002.
Bidadanure, J. (2016). Making sense of age-group justice: A time for relational equality? Politics,
Philosophy & Economics, 15(3), 234-260. https://doi.org/10.1177/1470594X16650542
Bird, K., Saalfeld, T., & Wüst, A. (2010). The Political Representation of Immigrants and Minorities:
Voters, Parties and Parliaments in Liberal Democracies.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203843604
Blanchflower, D. G., & Graham, C. L. (2022). The mid-life dip in well-being: a critique. Social
Indicators Research, 161(1), 287-344. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11205-021-02773-w
Blumler, J. G., & Kavanagh, D. (1999). The Third Age of Political Communication: Influences and
Features. Political Communication, 16(3), 209-230. https://doi.org/10.1080/105846099198596
Boston, J. (2016). Governing for the Future: Designing Democratic Institutions for a Better Tomorrow.
In (Vol. 25). Emerald Group Publishing Limited. https://doi.org/10.1108/S2053-
769720160000025026
Boulianne, S., Lalancette, M., & Ilkiw, D. (2020). School Strike 4 Climate: Social Media and the
International Youth Protest on Climate Change. Media and Communication, 8(2), 208-218.
https://doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i2.2768
Boulianne, S., & Larsson, A. (2023). Engagement with candidate posts on Twitter, Instagram, and
Facebook during the 2019 election. New Media & Society, 25, 119-140.
https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211009504
Boyd, D. (2014). It's Complicated: The Social Lives of Networked Teens.
https://doi.org/10.12987/978030016643973
Brady, W., Wills, J., Jost, J., Tucker, J., & Van Bavel, J. (2017). Emotion shapes the diffusion of
moralized content in social networks. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 114,
201618923. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1618923114
Bucher, T., & Helmond, A. (2018). The affordances of social media platforms. The SAGE handbook of
social media, 1(1), 233-253.
Campbell, R., & Cowley, P. (2014). What voters want: Reactions to candidate characteristics in a survey
experiment. Political Studies, 62(4), 745-765. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.120
Caney, S. (2016). Political Institutions for the Future: A Fivefold Package. In Institutions For Future
Generations (pp. 0). Oxford University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746959.003.0008
Carey, J. M. (2007). Competing Principals, Political Institutions, and Party Unity in Legislative Voting.
American Journal of Political Science, 51(1), 92-107. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-
5907.2007.00239.x
Castanho Silva, B., & Proksch, S.-O. (2022). Politicians unleashed? Political communication on Twitter
and in parliament in Western Europe. Political Science Research and Methods, 10(4), 776-792.
https://doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2021.36
Ceccobelli, D., Quaranta, M., & Valeriani, A. (2020). Citizens’ engagement with popularization and
with populist actors on Facebook: A study on 52 leaders in 18 Western democracies. European
Journal of Communication, 35(5), 435-452. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323120909292
Celis, K., & Childs, S. (2018). Conservatism and Women's Political Representation. Politics & Gender,
14(1), 5-26. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X17000575
Chadwick, A., Dennis, J., & Smith, A. (2015). Politics in the Age of Hybrid Media. In (pp. 7-22).
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315716299-2
Childs, S., & Krook, M. L. (2008). Critical Mass Theory and Women's Political Representation.
Political Studies, 56(3), 725-736. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00712.x
Dahis, R., Heras, I., & Saavedra, S. (2022). Politicians' Age and Long-Term Policy: Evidence from
Brazilian Municipalities. https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/h5tn2
Dalton, R. J. (2004). Democratic Challenges, Democratic Choices: The Erosion of Political Support in
Advanced Industrial Democracies. Oxford University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.001.0001
De Marez, L., Sevenhant, R., Denecker, F., Georges, A., Wuyts, G., & Schuurman, D. (2025). Imec.
digimeter. 2024. Digitale trends in Vlaanderen. Imec.74
de Wilde, P. (2013). Representative claims analysis: theory meets method. Journal of European Public
Policy, 20(2), 278-294. https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2013.746128
Debus, M., & Himmelrath, N. (2022). Advocates of climate action? The age of members of parliament
and their activity in legislative debates on climate change. Climate Action, 1(1), 16.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s44168-022-00017-2
Disch, L. (2015). The “Constructivist Turn” in Democratic Representation: A Normative Dead-End?
Constellations, 22(4), 487-499. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12201
Dovi, S. (2002). Preferable descriptive representatives: Will just any woman, black, or latino do?
American Political Science Review, 96, 729-743. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055402000412
Enli, G. (2016). Trust Me I Am Authentic! Authenticity Illusions in Social Media Politics. In (pp. 212-
137).
Errera, C. (2006). La vie privée des politiques, un tabou de la politique française. Communication et
langages, 148(1), 81-102.
Esser, F., & Strömbäck, J. (2014). Mediatization of Politics: Transforming Democracies and Reshaping
Politics. In K. Lundby (Ed.), Mediatization of Communication. Berlin: De Gruyter Mounton,
375-403. In (pp. 375-403). https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110272215.375
Eulau, H., & Karps, P. D. (1977). The Puzzle of Representation: Specifying Components of
Responsiveness. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 2(3), 233-254. https://doi.org/10.2307/439340
Eurostat. (2026). Population on 1 January by age and sex ([Data set].
https://doi.org/10.2908/DEMO_PJAN
Fahmy, E. (2006). Young Citizens: Young People's Involvement in Politics and Decision Making.
https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315233314
Figeac, J., Neihouser, M., & Garrigues, J. (2026). Campaigning across platforms: how party status,
social profiles, and emotional tone shaped user engagement with French MPs during the 2022
presidential election. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 1-18.
https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2026.2616497
Fiva, J., Nedregård, O., & Øien, H. (2023). Group identities and parliamentary debates.
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41597-024-04142-x
Flanagan, C., Finlay, A., Gallay, L., & Kim, T. (2012). Political incorporation and the protracted
transition to adulthood: The need for new institutional inventions. Parliamentary Affairs, 65(1),
29-46. https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsr044
Gadarian, S. K., & Brader, T. (2023). Emotion and political psychology. In The Oxford handbook of
political psychology, 3rd ed (pp. 191-247). Oxford University Press.75
Geise, S., Maubach, K., & Boettcher Eli, A. (2025). Picture me in person: Personalization and
emotionalization as political campaign strategies on social media in the German federal election
period 2021. New Media & Society, 27(7), 3745-3769.
https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448231224031
Gilardi, F., Alizadeh, M., & Kubli, M. (2023). ChatGPT Outperforms Crowd-Workers for Text-
Annotation Tasks. https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2303.15056
Goerres, A. (2008). The grey vote: Determinants of older voters' party choice in Britain and West
Germany. Electoral Studies, 27(2), 285-304. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.12.007
Goovaerts, I., & Marien, S. (2020). Uncivil Communication and Simplistic Argumentation: Decreasing
Political Trust, Increasing Persuasive Power? Political Communication, 37(6), 768-788.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2020.1753868
Hameleers, M., Schmuck, D., Bos, L., & Ecklebe, S. (2021). Interacting with the ordinary people: How
populist messages and styles communicated by politicians trigger users’ behaviour on social
media in a comparative context. European Journal of Communication, 36(3), 238-253.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323120978723
Hazan, R., & Rahat, G. (2010). Democracy within Parties: Candidate Selection Methods and Their
Political Consequences. 9780199572540, 1-224.
https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572540.001.0001
Henn, M., Weinstein, M., & Forrest, S. (2005). Uninterested Youth? Young People's Attitudes towards
Party Politics in Britain. Political Studies, 53(3), 556-578. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-
9248.2005.00544.x
Hooghe, M., Stolle, D., & Stouthuysen, P. (2004). Head Start In Politics: The Recruitment Function Of
Youth Organizations Of Political Parties In Belgium (Flanders). Party Politics, 10, 193-212.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1354068804040503
Howe, P. (2010). Citizens adrift: The democratic disengagement of young Canadians. UBC press.
Humprecht, E., Amsler, M., Esser, F., & Van Aelst, P. (2024). Emotionalized Social Media
Environments: How Alternative News Media and Populist Actors Drive Angry Reactions.
Political Communication, 41(4), 559-587. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2024.2350416
IPU. (2023). Youth participation in national parliaments: 2023.
https://iknowpolitics.org/sites/default/files/20231016_ipu_youthreport_…
Jacobs, A. (2010). Governing for the Long Term: Democracy and the Politics of Investment. Governing
for the Long Term: Democracy and the Politics of Investment.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO978051192176676
Joshi, D. K. (2015). The inclusion of excluded majorities in south Asian parliaments: Women, youth,
and the working class. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 50(2), 223-238.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0021909614521414
Jost, P. (2023). How politicians adapt to new media logic. A longitudinal perspective on accommodation
to user-engagement on Facebook. Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 20(2), 184-
197. https://doi.org/10.1080/19331681.2022.2076271
Jungherr, A., Rivero, G., & Gayo-Avello, D. (2020). Retooling Politics: How Digital Media Are Shaping
Democracy. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108297820
Karvonen, L. (2010). The Personalization of Politics: A Study of Parliamentary Democracies. ECPR
Press. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2010.517103
Klinger, U., & Svensson, J. (2015). The emergence of network media logic in political communication:
A theoretical approach. New Media & Society, 17, 1241-1257.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444814522952
Kluknavská, A., Novotná, M., & Eisele, O. (2025). Fuming Mad and Jumping with Joy: Emotional
Responses to Uncivil and Post-Truth Communication by Populist and Non-Populist Politicians
on Facebook During the COVID-19 Crisis. Mass Communication and Society, 28(1), 26-50.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2023.2252396
Krippendorff, K. (2011). Computing Krippendorff's Alpha-Reliability.
Kruikemeier, S., Noort, G., Vliegenthart, R., & Claes, H. (2013). Getting closer: The effects of
personalized and interactive online political communication. European Journal of
Communication, 28, 53-66. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323112464837
Lalancette, M., & Raynauld, V. (2019). The Power of Political Image: Justin Trudeau, Instagram, and
Celebrity Politics. American Behavioral Scientist, 63(7), 888-924.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764217744838
Larsson, A. O. (2016). Online, all the time? A quantitative assessment of the permanent campaign on
Facebook. New Media & Society, 18(2), 274-292. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444814538798
Lees, C., & Praino, R. (2022). Young voters, older candidates and policy preferences: Evidence from
two experiments. International Political Science Review, 45, 019251212211395.
https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121221139544
Li, H., Wang, X., & Issa, H. (2025). Exploring mayors’ disclosure patterns on social media: evidence
from Twitter (X) expressions. International Journal of Disclosure and Governance.
https://doi.org/10.1057/s41310-025-00325-z
Lijphart, A. (1997). Unequal Participation: Democracy's Unresolved Dilemma Presidential Address,
American Political Science Association, 1996. American Political Science Review, 91(1), 1-14.
https://doi.org/10.2307/295225577
MacKenzie, M. (2021). Future-Making: Politics, Democracy, and DeliberationPolitics, Democracy, and
Deliberation. In (pp. 27-58). https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197557150.003.0002
Magni-Berton, R., & Panel, S. (2021). Gerontocracy in a comparative perspective: Explaining why
political leaders are (almost always) older than their constituents. Sociology Compass, 15(1),
e12841. https://doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12841
Mansbridge, J. (1999). Should blacks represent blacks and women represent women? A contingent"
yes". The Journal of Politics, 61(3), 628-657. https://doi.org/10.2307/2647821
Marcus, G. E., Neuman, W. R., & MacKuen, M. (2000). Affective intelligence and political judgment.
University of Chicago Press.
Marien, S., Hooghe, M., & Quintelier, E. (2010). Inequalities in Non-Institutionalised forms of Political
Participation: A Multi-Level Analysis of 25 Countries. Political Studies, 58(1), 187-213.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00801.x
Marwick, A., & Boyd, d. (2011). To See and Be Seen: Celebrity Practice on Twitter. Convergence,
17(2), 139-158. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354856510394539
McClean, C. T. (2021). Does the underrepresentation of young people in political institutions matter for
social spending. Unpublished manuscript.
McFarland, D. A., & Thomas, R. J. (2006). Bowling Young: How Youth Voluntary Associations
Influence Adult Political Participation. American Sociological Review, 71(3), 401-425.
https://doi.org/10.1177/000312240607100303
Melo, D. F., & Stockemer, D. (2014). Age and political participation in Germany, France and the UK:
A comparative analysis. Comparative european politics, 12(1), 33-53.
https://doi.org/10.1057/cep.2012.31
Metz, M., Kruikemeier, S., & Lecheler, S. (2020). Personalization of politics on Facebook: examining
the content and effects of professional, emotional and private self-personalization. Information,
Communication & Society, 23(10), 1481-1498.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2019.1581244
Milner, H. (2010). The internet generation: Engaged citizens or political dropouts. The Internet
Generation: Engaged Citizens or Political Dropouts, 1-294.
Müller, S. (2022). The Temporal Focus of Campaign Communication. The Journal of Politics, 84, 585–
590. https://doi.org/10.1086/715165
Munger, K., & Plutzer, E. (2024). Generations in contemporary US politics: statistical aggregations or
collective political actors? Politics, Groups, and Identities, 12(3), 537-558.
https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.215945278
Norris, P. (1997). Passages to power: legislative recruitment in advanced democracies. Cambridge
University Press.
Norris, P. (2001). Civic Engagement, Information Poverty and the Internet Worldwide. Cambridge
University Press.
Norris, P. (2002). Democratic Phoenix: Reinventing Political Activism.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511610073
Norris, P., & Franklin, M. (1997). Social representation. European Journal of Political Research, 32(2),
185-210. https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00338
Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism. In
Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism (pp. iii-iii). Cambridge
University Press.
O'Grady, T. O. M. (2023). Is ideological polarisation by age group growing in Europe? European
Journal of Political Research, 62(4), 1389-1402. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-
6765.12575
OpenAI. (2024). OpenAI API (GPT-4o-mini). In https://platform.openai.com
Pang, D., Guntuku, S. C., Sherman, G., Liu, T., Rai, S., Cho, Y.-M., You, R., Bakker, A. B., & Ungar,
L. H. (2025). Understanding gender and age differences in language use: cross-cultural insights
from Weibo and Facebook. Humanities and Social Sciences Communications, 12(1), 1667.
https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-025-05927-0
Pedersen, H. H. (2024). Party soldiers on personal platforms? Politicians’ personalized use of social
media. Party Politics, 30(1), 166-178. https://doi.org/10.1177/13540688221140252
Pedersen, H. H., & van Heerde-Hudson, J. (2019). Two strategies for building a personal vote:
Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark. Electoral Studies, 59, 17-26.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2019.02.010
Peeters, J. (2022). What’s the issue? Studying supply and demand side of online issue strategies of
politicans [Doctoral dissertation, University of Antwerp].
Phillips, A. (1998). The Politics of Presence. Oxford University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1093/0198294158.001.0001
Pickard, S. (2019). Politics, Protest and Young People, Political Participation and Dissent in 21st
Century Britain. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57788-7
Pitkin, H. F. (1967). The Concept of Representation (1 ed.). University of California Press.
https://doi.org/10.2307/jj.271164579
Plutzer, E. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter: Inertia, Resources, and Growth in Young Adulthood.
American Political Science Review, 96(1), 41-56. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055402004227
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community.
https://doi.org/10.1145/358916.361990
Radford, A., & Narasimhan, K. (2018). Improving Language Understanding by Generative Pre-
Training.
Rahat, G., & Sheafer, T. (2007). The Personalization(s) of Politics: Israel, 1949–2003. Political
Communication, 24(1), 65-80. https://doi.org/10.1080/10584600601128739
Rathje, S., Van Bavel, J. J., & van der Linden, S. (2021). Out-group animosity drives engagement on
social media. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 118(26), e2024292118.
https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2024292118
Saward, M. (2006). The Representative Claim. Contemporary Political Theory, 5(3), 297-318.
https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300234
Schöll, N., Gallego, A., & Le Mens, G. (2024). How Politicians Learn from Citizens’ Feedback: The
Case of Gender on Twitter. American Journal of Political Science, 68(2), 557-574.
https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12772
Schwartz, H. A., Eichstaedt, J. C., Kern, M. L., Dziurzynski, L., Ramones, S. M., Agrawal, M., Shah,
A., Kosinski, M., Stillwell, D., Seligman, M. E., & Ungar, L. H. (2013). Personality, gender,
and age in the language of social media: the open-vocabulary approach. PLoS One, 8(9),
e73791. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0073791
Severs, E., Celis, K., & Erzeel, S. (2016). Power, privilege and disadvantage: Intersectionality theory
and political representation. Politics, 36(4), 346-354.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395716630987
Sevi, S. (2020). Do young voters vote for young leaders? Electoral Studies, 69, 102200.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102200
Soroka, S. (2009). Negativity in Democratic Politics: Causes and Consequences. Negativity in
Democratic Politics: Causes and Consequences, 1-180.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107477971
Stanyer, J. (2022). Authenticity in Politics and Political Communication Research: Analytic Concept
and Political Issue. In Cultures of Authenticity (pp. 0). Emerald Publishing Limited.
https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-80117-936-220221020
Stockemer, D., & Sundström, A. (2022a). Introducing the worldwide age representation in parliaments
(WARP) data set. Social Science Quarterly, 103(7), 1765-1774.80
Stockemer, D., & Sundström, A. (2022b). Youth without representation: The absence of young adults
in parliaments, cabinets, and candidacies. University of Michigan Press.
Törnberg, P. (2024). Best practices for text annotation with large language models. arXiv preprint
arXiv:2402.05129. https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2402.05129
Valcke, T., Verhelst, T., & Steyers, K. (2025). De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 13 oktober 2024:
Een evaluatie van de resultaten in het licht van de electorale hervormingen.
https://publicaties.vlaanderen.be/view-file/74780
Van Aelst, P., Sheafer, T., & Stanyer, J. (2012). The personalization of mediated political
communication: A review of concepts, operationalizations and key findings. Journalism, 13(2),
203-220. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884911427802
Van Biezen, I., Mair, P., & Poguntke, T. (2012). Going, going, . . . gone? The decline of party
membership in contemporary Europe. European Journal of Political Research, 51(1), 24-56.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01995.x
van der Brug, W., & Kritzinger, S. (2025). Generations and political change. West European Politics,
48(4), 846-856. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2025.2449794
Vliegenthart, R., Boomgaarden, H. G., & Boumans, J. W. (2011). Changes in political news coverage:
Personalization, conflict and negativity in British and Dutch newspapers. In Political
communication in postmodern democracy: Challenging the primacy of politics (pp. 92-110).
Springer. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230294783_6
Vromen, A. (2003). 'People Try to Put Us Down …': Participatory Citizenship of 'Generation X'.
Australian Journal of Political Science, 38(1), 79-99.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1036114032000056260
Wängnerud, L. (2009). Women in Parliaments: Descriptive and Substantive Representation. Annual
Review of Political Science, 12. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053106.123839
Webster, S. W., & Albertson, B. (2022). Emotion and Politics: Noncognitive Psychological Biases in
Public Opinion. Annual Review of Political Science, 25(Volume 25, 2022), 401-418.
https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-105353
Zukin, C., Keeter, S., Adolina, M., Jenkins, K., & Delli Carpini, M. X. (2006). A New Engagement?
Political Participation, Civic Life, and the Changing American Citizen. Oxford University
Press.