Waarom het Louvre nog steeds worstelt met koloniale erfenissen
Stel je voor: je loopt door het Louvre in Parijs, het beroemdste museum ter wereld. Naast de Mona Lisa en de Venus van Milo vind je er ook een aparte vleugel met erfgoed uit Afrika, Oceanië, Azië en Amerika: de Pavillon des Sessions. Het idee achter deze in 2000 geopende sectie die in 2024 sloot voor renovatie? De werken “vrij en gelijk” tonen, net als de Europese meesterwerken. Dat was de gedeelde droom van de Franse president Jacques Chirac (1932–2019) en zijn kunstverzamelaar vriend Jacques Kerchache (1942–2001).
Klinkt mooi, toch? Mijn onderzoek laat echter zien dat dit paviljoen, waarin een honderdtal sculpturen zijn opgedeeld per continent, juist oude koloniale denkbeelden herhaalde. Het lag afgezonderd van de rest van het Louvre en was institutioneel verbonden met het Musée du quai Branly – Jacques Chirac, een scheiding die veel bezoekers niet doorhadden en die de symbolische afstand tot de rest van het Louvre nog groter maakte. Voor de musea was dit voordelig: het Louvre kon zich profileren als “wereldmuseum,” terwijl het quai Branly dé plek voor niet-Westerse culturen bleef. Voor de objecten betekende het vooral dat ze tussen wal en schip belandden.
Drie vormen van vervreemding
Mijn onderzoek richtte zich op hoe de curatoriële keuzes in het paviljoen tot vervreemding leidden. Ik onderzocht dit op drie niveaus: institutioneel, visueel en tekstueel. Daarbij onderscheidde ik drie vormen van vervreemding. Ten eerste ruimtelijke vervreemding: objecten werden letterlijk uit hun gemeenschappen gehaald en in een afgezonderde vleugel geplaatst. Daarnaast contextuele vervreemding: informatie over makers, gebruik en betekenis bleef vaak minimaal of vaag. Tot slot koloniaal-historische vervreemding: het koloniale verleden en de omstandigheden van verwerving werden nauwelijks benoemd. Deze drie dimensies werkten samen en creëerden een ‘perfecte storm’ van vervreemding: bezoekers zagen indrukwekkende objecten, maar verloren hun verbinding met betekenis, functie en geschiedenis.
Ik onderzocht dit door bezoeken aan het paviljoen, archiefonderzoek in Frankrijk en literatuurstudie. Zo kon ik volgen hoe het paviljoen in de jaren 1990 werd ontwikkeld en welke keuzes achter de schermen de inrichting van de zalen bepaalden.
Het probleem van de “mooie vitrine”
De werken stonden opgesteld in strakke witte zalen, vaak beschouwd als neutraal. In werkelijkheid werden ze zo ontdaan van hun oorspronkelijke context, waardoor erfgoed met spirituele of gemeenschapsgebonden waarde werd getransformeerd tot “meesterwerken” volgens westerse schoonheidsnormen.
Een goed voorbeeld is het beeld van de ijzergod en oorlogsheer (Gou) van de Fon, uit de hedendaagse Republiek Benin, gemaakt door Akati Ekplékendo. Het label vermeldde alleen naam, kunstenaar, datering, (hedendaagse) plaats van oorsprong, materiaal, korte functie, donor en collectie. Wat er niet bij stond: dat Ekplékendo mogelijk tot slaaf gemaakt werd en dat het beeld via oorlogsbuit en koloniale context in Parijs terechtkwam. Door de tijd veranderde de functie van het beeld: van spiritueel erfgoed, naar oorlogstrofee, naar kunstobject. Die gelaagde geschiedenis verdween achter glas. Kerchache verdedigde dit minimalisme door te zeggen dat weinig uitleg de “universele schoonheid” beter liet spreken. In werkelijkheid vergrootte het de afstand tussen object, originele context, geschiedenis en bezoeker, en bevestigde het een eurocentrische blik.
Koloniaal verleden onder tafel
Ook elders in het paviljoen bleef de toelichting beperkt. Vaak stond alleen de naam van een moderne staat vermeld, veelal anachronistisch, en informatie over koloniale verhoudingen of dwangarbeid werd nauwelijks gegeven. Zelfs schijnbaar neutrale keuzes, zoals kaarten of datering, bevestigden eurocentrische, koloniale kaders en sloten inheemse perspectieven uit.
Frankrijk heeft een lange koloniale geschiedenis, maar in het paviljoen werd die nauwelijks besproken terwijl het juist de reden is dat veel van deze beelden in Parijs staan. Daarnaast begonnen de tijdlijnen regelmatig pas bij het moment dat Europeanen in contact kwamen met de objecten, maar de lokale culturele contexten die eraan voorafgingen, werden vaak minimaal besproken. Dat is alsof je een boek leest vanaf hoofdstuk vijf en de eerste vier weglaat. Musea presenteren zich graag als neutrale instellingen, maar hoe je objecten presenteert, benoemt en in context plaatst, is altijd een politieke keuze. Zulke keuzes kunnen ongelijkheid bestendigen of vergeten stemmen opnieuw hoorbaar maken.
Wat kan beter?
Echte gelijkheid vraagt om meer dan alleen het uitstallen van objecten. Musea moeten samenwerken met gemeenschappen van herkomst, hun kennis en verhalen integreren en het koloniale verleden expliciet benoemen. Tentoonstellingen zouden vanaf het begin samen opgebouwd moeten worden, niet enkel door westerse kunsthistorici, maar met betrokkenheid van onderzoekers en stemmen uit landen van herkomst. Moeilijke verhalen mogen niet langer weggelaten worden, maar moeten besproken worden.
De Pavillon des Sessions laat zien dat fysieke aanwezigheid niet genoeg is. De objecten waren zichtbaar, maar de manier van tonen hield koloniale machtsstructuren in stand. Zoals Caraïbisch-Amerikaans auteur Audre Lorde (1934–1992) schreef: “the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.” Zolang musea dezelfde institutionele, visuele en tekstuele patronen volgen, kan er geen echt dekoloniaal alternatief ontstaan.
Hoop voor de toekomst
De vraag is nu of de renovatie van 2024–2025 alleen vitrines en muren vernieuwt, of ook de visie achter de presentatie. Pas als musea echt hun manier van denken durven veranderen, kunnen tentoongestelde objecten opnieuw functioneren als levend erfgoed. Dan zijn ze niet langer stille objecten achter glas, maar dragers van verhalen die opnieuw verbinding maken met hun gemeenschappen en betekenis krijgen binnen een mondiale geschiedenis.
Bronnen: zie masterproef
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